Red Skies

By Fred Stakelbeck Jan 3, 2007, 15:48 GMT

China’s deepening space partnership with the European Union presents an immediate national security dilemma for the U.S., since advanced technologies shared by cooperative EU nations would almost certainly enhance the communist dictatorship’s military modernization and intelligence programs, thus compromising U.S. security interests not only in Asia, but throughout the world.

Recently, China has requested greater involvement in the International Space Station Project, with the hope of gaining unrestricted access to cutting-edge technologies. This, as Chinese nationals have increased their participation in state-sponsored, covert spying and espionage missions in North America and Europe. Washington has objected to China’s role in the International Space Station and has avoided sharing technical knowledge with Beijing in the past, due to concerns that the communist regime would use the information to bolster its long-range ballistic missiles forces.

A targeted attack in September on orbiting U.S. intelligence satellites by a ground-based laser has only added to Washington’s concern over potential EU-China technology exchanges, with sensors located at the Reagan Test Site on Kwajalein atoll in the South Pacific confirming the attacks originated from mainland China.

The immediate response from the Communist Party’s Central Committee to allegations of laser attacks was not surprising. “The United States exaggeration of China’s counter-satellite technology is only an attempt to seek an excuse to justify its development of space weapons,” a public statement said. However, unconfirmed reports have noted that the U.S. has already detected “mini-Chinese satellites” placed in orbit near U.S. military communications and imaging satellites, proving once again that Beijing is gaining confidence in satellite countermeasures.

Attempting to allay fears of the growing military aspects of its space program, China took a group of western reporters recently for a tour of its mission control center located on the outskirts of Beijing. Stressing the “peaceful development of space,” Col. Yang Liwei, China’s first astronaut in orbit, noted, “We hope to further our exchanges with our counterparts in foreign countries and learn from each other.” But how can China, a country known more for stealing technology than inventing it, help the West advance its various space programs? 

Amazingly, only a few weeks after the attack on U.S. satellites, high-level EU officials announced the creation of a strategic partnership designed to foster the exchange of information with China involving the advanced Galileo satellite navigational system. A purely civilian application for most of its history, EU officials announced the system would now be used for military purposes. “The idea of using Galileo for civilian purposes will not persist into the future because I think that our military cannot do without some sort of navigation system,” Jacques Barrot, EU Commissioner for transport, noted.

A key participant in the EU’s Galileo navigational system – communist China.

The U.S. Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) Report released in February 2006 was clear in its position that the control of space and related technologies is imperative for U.S. military supremacy and that China in particular was an obstacle to this objective. “China is the country with the greatest potential to compete militarily with the U.S. and field disruptive military technologies that could over time offset traditional U.S. military advantages absent U.S. counter strategies,” the report noted. The report went on to say that China will continue to invest in asymmetric military capabilities that include advances in “counter-space operations” and “sophisticated land and sea-based systems.”

The National Defense Strategy of the United States of America released in March 2005 supported the position that U.S. dominance of space was indeed under attack from other countries. “Disruptive challenges may come from adversaries who develop and use break-through technologies to negate current U.S. advantages in key operational domains.” The report also specified that adversaries in the future such as Russia, Iran, North Korea and China could combine advanced military capabilities and future technologies to deny U.S. access to space and threaten the capacity to project power, minimizing U.S. influence throughout the world.

For its part, Beijing’s leadership has said it sees technology as the key determinant in future conflicts. A report released in August by China’s National Defense University identified space as an area where the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) must be equipped and prepared to defend China’s interests. “Our military should not only protect China’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity, but should also protect the oceans and transport routes and other economic interests as well as the security of space,” the report said.

But perhaps the most troubling aspect of this developing story is that the U.S. government continues to reach out to Beijing hoping to secure cooperation in space-related initiatives, even as the Chinese threat grows. NASA administrator Michael Griffin’s 2006 visit to Beijing to discuss cooperative projects in space exploration is one such example of this flawed policy.

Writing in the Houston Chronicle, Mark Whittington, a space policy analyst, argued that the U.S. should think twice about making such overtures to a country that was confrontational after the “spy plane incident” of 2001 and continues to be guilty of profound human rights abuses against its own people. In his article, Whittington also shares his concerns regarding China’s efforts to steal western technology to enhance its military.

Corporate America has also made its share of questionable deals lately. In an announcement earlier this year with serious national security implications for the U.S., Lockheed Martin, a top U.S. defense contractor, and Astrium, one of Europe’s leading satellite system specialists and a subsidiary of the European Aeronautic Space and Defense Company (EADS), announced that a cooperative agreement had been signed to ensure the “interoperability, integrity, and optimization” of the highly sensitive U.S. Global Positioning System (GPS) III with the EU’s Galileo Satellite Navigation System. “This opens a new dimension of cooperation between two of the world’s leading technology companies in systems that will benefit consumers for decades as the Galileo and GPS III systems come on line,” noted Reinhold Lutz, EADS Senior vice-president for Earth Observation, Navigation and Science. But the agreement may have instead benefited red China by giving the country access to advanced U.S. technologies, since Beijing is already heavily vested in the Galileo project.

The foundation for today’s U.S. military is an integrated and networked force that possesses “space-centric” information and communication superiority over potential adversaries. Recognizing this, top Chinese defense experts and generals have indicated that the country is looking to space as a means to neutralize America’s technical supremacy on the battlefield. The first steps are now being taken to make this a reality.

Only last week, Robert Joseph, the State Department's top arms-control official, warned  of threats by terrorist groups and other nations against U.S. commercial and military satellites and reasserted U.S. policy that it has a right to use force. “We reserve the right to defend ourselves against hostile attacks and interference with our space assets," he said. Joseph noted "a number of countries" are acquiring capabilities to attack or counter U.S. space systems.

Beijing’s dubious relationship with a hostile Iran, already in the process of developing its own space program, poses significant dangers as well. With western-supplied technology stolen from the EU or the U.S., Tehran could have at its disposal the satellite system infrastructure necessary to launch accurate ballistic strikes against Israel, neighboring Arab states and U.S. military forces in the region.

The EU and the U.S. must work closely together to prevent Beijing’s communist government from becoming a “peer competitor” in outer space. It is important to note that in addition to military uses, the U.S. and its allies rely on the existing satellite constellation to manage water, energy, financial and government resources, making any disruption increasingly perilous. The transfer of space-related technologies could also contribute to human rights and privacy violations, given the ability of today’s satellites to track mobile and stationary communications, as well as the physical movements of individual citizens.

Could the EU and U.S. one day find themselves sharing outer space with a consortium of powerful nations such as China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela and North Korea determined to eliminate U.S. influence and power?

“We have loved the stars too dearly to be fearful of the night,” noted one unnamed amateur astronomer. Let us hope the stars continue to offer hope for a better tomorrow.

Fred Stakelbeck is a Senior Asia Fellow with Washington-based Center for Security Policy. He is an expert on the economic and national security implications for them U.S. of China's emerging regional and global strategic influence. Comments can be forwarded to fstakelbeck@centerforsecuritypolicy.org.